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<title>Latin American Studies (GT-ETD)</title>
<link href="http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4009" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle> </subtitle>
<id>http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4009</id>
<updated>2013-05-19T00:38:20Z</updated>
<dc:date>2013-05-19T00:38:20Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>Aging and Second Language Acquisition: Differential Success in Learning Latin Grammar Via Implicit and Explicit Feedback</title>
<link href="http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4463" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Lenet, Alison</name>
</author>
<id>http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4463</id>
<updated>2008-07-30T07:45:37Z</updated>
<published>2008-07-29T15:07:27Z</published>
<summary type="text">Aging and Second Language Acquisition: Differential Success in Learning Latin Grammar Via Implicit and Explicit Feedback
Lenet, Alison
The ability to learn a second language becomes difficult for adults, but not impossible. While implicit processes that can contribute to acquisition of syntax are relatively spared in aging, there are marked deficits in explicit learning, suggesting that language instructions calling on implicit learning might be more effective than that based on explicit learning for older adults. In this experiment, 20 adults ages 66-81 were taught aspects of Latin grammar with either implicit or explicit feedback and were compared to a group of college-age students who previously completed the same task. Overall, the results suggest that the implicit method of teaching the grammar worked better for the older adults but this was not the case for the students. Furthermore, limited exposure to high school Latin markedly increased the ability of older adults to learn the grammar. There were no significant age deficits in learning when only those without previous Latin experience were compared, which bodes well for older adults with strong motivations to learn a second language.
</summary>
<dc:date>2008-07-29T15:07:27Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>The Cost Of The Colombian Peace: An Economic Approach of a Peace Agreement with the FARC</title>
<link href="http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4010" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Garcia-Vargas, Sonia Juliana</name>
</author>
<id>http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4010</id>
<updated>2007-02-16T08:46:25Z</updated>
<published>2007-02-15T21:24:36Z</published>
<summary type="text">The Cost Of The Colombian Peace: An Economic Approach of a Peace Agreement with the FARC
Garcia-Vargas, Sonia Juliana
During more than forty years of conflict, Colombian intellectuals and politicians have debated around the conflict, its characteristics and implications. However only few people have talked about a peace agreement, the tasks of peace implementation and its costs. For this reason, this research intends to deepen on the peace possibilities and the costs of the main agreements that the government and the major guerrilla movement of the country: the FARC could made. The first step to estimate the cost of the peace is determining the kind of peace that could be possible to get in Colombia. According with the World Bank definition, this peace could minimalist, maximalist or intermediate. The minimalist approach says that peace agreements only must take into account the tasks related with reincorporation of the excombatans and cease fire. The maximalist approach argues that the peace must include the solutions of the structural causes of the conflict. It implies economic, political and social reforms and it will be a long term process. The intermediate option takes into account only a couple of the basic causes of the conflict and its structural solutions and the reincorporation process of the excombatans. Taking into account the history of the conflict, the claims of the FARC, and the position of the government in the previous attempts to get peace agreements with the FARC, the peace approach that is more appropriate for the Colombian case is the intermediate. In this sense, this thesis has some chapters about the structural reforms, like an agrarian and a political reform and their possible costs, and another chapter about the reincorporation process and its costs. In addition, trying to have a comparative parameter of a previous peace implementation process, this research includes a briefly review of the Salvadoran case and the cost of the peace implementation process. At the end, the cost of each reform is aggregated and with this estimated cost I proposed some options for its financial support.
</summary>
<dc:date>2007-02-15T21:24:36Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>An innovative framework of targeted public policies
for minority women in Brazil</title>
<link href="http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4186" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Khair, Marcelo</name>
</author>
<id>http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4186</id>
<updated>2007-07-20T07:59:04Z</updated>
<published>2006-12-19T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">An innovative framework of targeted public policies
for minority women in Brazil
Khair, Marcelo
---
</summary>
<dc:date>2006-12-19T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>La fragmentacion de la identidad politica nacional Argentina: los presidentes y las antinomias</title>
<link href="http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4187" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Leibman, Maximo</name>
</author>
<id>http://aladinrc.wrlc.org:80/handle/1961/4187</id>
<updated>2007-07-20T07:59:18Z</updated>
<published>2006-11-27T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">La fragmentacion de la identidad politica nacional Argentina: los presidentes y las antinomias
Leibman, Maximo
Using the exploratory method in a historical-comparative perspective, this thesis investigates, through presidential speeches, the visualization that authoritarian and democratic governments have had on Argentina's national political identity. This work analyzes the discursive manifestations of Argentina's presidents from 1916 to 2001, in order to reconstruct from divergent ideological positions their perspectives on the national political identity. Between 1916, when the first democratic government was established, until 1983, year that marked the end of the last military dictatorship and the return of the democratic system, Argentine presidents under different arguments and conflicts adhered to the paradigm friend-enemy. The presidents visualized their political adversaries as enemies to be exterminated or excluded from the national political life. The transition from military rule to democratic leadership produced a modification in the dilemmatic division on the annihilation of the "other" (political adversary). This change had positive consequences for building democracy. Therefore, beginning in 1983, Argentina experienced a variation in the political dimension of its national identity. Previously, this dimension was fragmented by "others" viewed as "internal enemies". Since the return of democracy, this ideological fragmentation is tolerated; there is a search for coincidences and coexistence, through the legitimization of the country's constitutional framework, putting an end to the coups d'etat in Argentina.
</summary>
<dc:date>2006-11-27T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
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